By Julia Lynch
This e-book asks why a few nations dedicate the lion's proportion in their social coverage assets to the aged, whereas others have a extra balanced repertoire of social spending. faraway from being the end result of calls for for welfare spending by way of robust age-based teams in society, the 'age' of welfare is an unintentional final result of ways that social courses are arrange. the best way that politicians use welfare country spending to compete for votes, alongside both programmatic or particularistic traces, locks those early institutional offerings into position. So whereas society is altering - getting older, divorcing, relocating out and in of the hard work strength over the lifestyles path in new methods - social rules don't evolve to seize up. the end result, in occupational welfare states like Italy, the USA, and Japan, is social spending that favors the aged and leaves working-aged adults and youngsters principally to fend for themselves.
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Extra resources for Age in the Welfare State: The Origins of Social Spending on Pensioners, Workers, and Children (Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics)
And Portugal spend the least on the elderly. Scandinavian welfare states, contrary to their reputation as big spenders, actually spend only moderately on the elderly on a per capita basis. 2), ranges from a high of well over one and a half times the GDP per capita in Denmark and Sweden to a low of just over 20 percent of GDP per capita in the United States and Greece. Standardizing aggregate unemployment expenditure ﬁgures by the number of registered unemployed, rather than by the number of unemployment insurance beneﬁciaries, allows for an estimate of the extension as well as the level of unemployment beneﬁts.
But social policy is made up of more than direct welfare expenditures (Howard 1997). Tax systems both effectively reduce social spending, through taxes on cash beneﬁts, and increase it, through tax expenditures on major social programs. The distributive effects of speciﬁc tax policies are notoriously difﬁcult to interpret, which is of course one reason why they play such a prominent role in social policy. Good household-level tax and transfer data would be the most efﬁcient and probably the most accurate way of determining the comprehensive tax-beneﬁt position of different kinds of families.
Rental), overall home ownership rates (including cooperative housing), and the difference in home ownership rates among elderly (over 55-year-old) and young (25- to 34-year-old) adults, for those countries for which data were available. What do these home ownership outcomes imply about housing policy inputs? I assume that home ownership rates among different age groups are determined by a range of housing policy inputs, including government regulation of credit markets and policies that increase the availability of lowcost homes for private ownership, increase the availability of low-interest and low-down-payment loans for ﬁrst-time home buyers, and encourage home ownership through ﬁscal instruments targeted at lower income homeowners.