By Olga Miseska Tomic
The e-book offers with a few syntactic and semantic points of the shared Balkan Sprachbund homes. In a complete introductory bankruptcy, Tomić bargains an summary of the Balkan Sprachbund houses. Sobolev, showing the areal distribution of sixty five homes, argues for dialect cartography. Friedman, at the instance of the evidentials, argues for typologically educated areal rationalization of the Balkan houses. the opposite contributions learn particular phenomena: polidefinite DPs in Greek and Aromanian (Campos and Stavrou), Balkan structures during which datives mix with impersonal clitics or non-active morphology (Rivero), Balkan optatives (Ammann and Auwera), important strength within the Balkan languages (Isac and Jakab), clitic placement in Greek imperatives (Bošković), centred components in Romanian and Bulgarian (Hill), man made and analytic tenses in Romanian (D'Hulst, Coene and Avram), "purpose-like" amendment in a couple of Balkan languages (Bužarovska), Balkan modal existential “wh”-constructions (Grosu), baby and grownup concepts in reading empty matters in Serbian/Croatian (Stojanović and Marelj), conditional sentences in Judeo-Spanish (Montoliu and Auwera).
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F mother three girls ‘(Once upon a time) a mother had three daughters . . ’ MR MR While the structure of the Megleno-Romanian evidential forms is analogous to that of the Albanian evidential forms, their usage is analogous to the usage of the Macedonian evidentials. Confirmative and nonconfirmative evidentials Friedman (this volume) makes a distinction between confirmative and nonconfirmative evidentials. While confirmatives are used for both witnessed events and unwitnessed events that the speaker is willing to vouch for, nonconfirmatives are used for reports or deductions, and to express surprise (admirativity) or disbelief (irony, doubt, dubitativity).
Ka ˇcitinav tukje tajsa. ’ (66) a. 40 (2563-2626) Olga Mišeska Tomi´c Nevertheless, historical evidence and the forms of the verbs – analogous to the forms of the verbs in subjunctive constructions and often distinct from the present tense forms – testify to the fact that the Macedonian, Bulgarian and Modern Greek future tenses originated as structures such as those in the future tenses of Albanian and Aromanian, and ultimately as structures such as those in the Serbo-Croatian future tenses with subjunctive structures.
Ar Campos and Stavrou argue that polydefinite DPs include a functional predicative category PredP, which is headed by the “adjectival” definite article. PredP takes an adjective phrase as its complement, and pro as its specifier, the latter being identified by the articled noun in the specifier of the DP. While in Aromanian, polydefinite constructions with prenominal adjectives are excluded, in Modern Greek, polydefinites with prenominal adjectives, such as (22b) are derived from (basic) polydefinite DPs with postnominal adjectives, by movement of the article plus adjective complex.