By Professor Eve Rosenhaft
During this booklet Eve Rosenhaft examines the involvement of Communists in political violence in the course of the years of Hitler's upward push to energy in Germany (1929-33). in particular, she goals to account for his or her participation in `street-fighting' or 'gang-fighting' with nationwide Socialist storm-troopers. The origins of this clash are tested at degrees. First Dr Rosenhaft analyses the reputable coverage of the Communist celebration in the direction of fascism and Nazism, and the targeted anti-fascist and self-defence organisations which it built. one of the elements of Communist coverage which are explored are the relation among the overseas disagreement among Communists and Social Democrats as claimants to steer the left, and the consequences of this dispute in German politics; the ideological problems within the implementation of Communist coverage in a interval of financial dislocation; and the organizational difficulties posed by means of the struggle opposed to fascism. Dr Rosenhaft then explores the attitudes and event of the Communist rank and dossier engaged within the fight opposed to fascism, focusing on the town of Berlin, the place a fierce contest for keep an eye on of the streets was once waged.
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Additional info for Beating the Fascists?: The German Communists and Political Violence 1929-1933
The continued ties of the KPD to residential areas and its long-standing but rather shamefaced practice of agitating around non-workplace concerns were mobilized and developed so that the Communist movement more or less deliberately adopted and legitimized anxieties and forms of action native to the working class in its neighbourhoods, hoping to politicize them and broaden their base. The 'battle for the streets' with the SA, defined by both parties as a fight for and about the neighbourhoods, fitted directly into the 'street politics' of the KPD.
46 A little further north, still in Berlin-Mitte, lay the Linienstrasse and the area just north of the Biilow-Platz, where the old Jewish ghetto ended and a concentration of proletarian housing, small shops and transport firms began. 125 on Sat Aug 03 14:04:52 WEST 2013. 004 Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 2013 Social crisis, radical politics and organized violence 15 recognized as Communist pockets. Moabit, the section of the Tiergarten district north of the River Spree, was dominated by the works of the Allgemeine Elektrizitats-Gesellschaft and machine-tool, munitions and chemical factories.
They thus became both the symbol and the apparent instrument of Nazi penetration of Communist territory. The Communist Party's response to the propaganda of challenge was to adopt and amplify the image of the SA-man as invader in its own propaganda and, through its anti-fascist defence formations, to organize to enforce its claims to hegemony. But the idea, actively propagated by both parties to the conflict, that the National Socialists were invaders in Communist areas, was misleading. By the early 1930s, at the latest, SAmen in working-class neighbourhoods could be described as outsiders only in a party-political sense.